Historical and cross-cultural research support Kinsey’s contention that sexual orientation, like other forms of human sexuality, is extremely varied. Research also shows that the conceptual distinction between gender identity and sexual orientation is a blurry one. The ancient Greeks, for instance, accepted both homosexuality and heterosexuality as "natural" relationships, with no moral overtones. Although a man’s preference for males or females was seen as a matter of taste and desire, the enjoyment of one over the other did not categorize men according to a gender preference for sexual interaction. A man who pursued males, therefore, did not see himself as any different from one who pursued females. Greek society associated masculinity and femininity with certain types of gendered behavior. For males at least, Greek society agreed. It was common for a man to change his sexual preference to women after spending his youth loving boys (Foucault, 1990). Even after marriage to women, large numbers of upper-class youth continued sexual relations with boys and men (O’Kelley & Carney, 1986). For the Greeks, gender identity existed but sexual orientation did not.

Another example of the gender identity—sexual orientation blurring comes from India, where men known as "hijras" dress up in women’s clothing and are called upon to bless newborn infants. In order to become a hijra and perform this important cultural role, most of these men by choice have been emasculated–their testicles have been removed. Hijra are not homosexual. They think of themselves more as females and thus prefer heterosexual men as sexual partners. They generally live and dress as females, often in a separate subculture. In the rural areas of India where hijras practice their trade, sexual orientation and gender identity do not appear to be concerns either for their society or for themselves. Making a living as a "true" hijra is a more important concern. This sentiment is expressed by one hijra:

There are other people who imitate us, who dress up in woman’s clothes and go where a baby is born, but only we have the power to give it a blessing. This is because we are neither men nor women. . . . A hijra is born from the stomach of a woman, but can be counted neither among the men nor the women. . . . The other people who imitate us, they are real men, with wives and children. They come to join us only for making a living. (Adapted from Nanda, 1990:11—12)

Hijras are ambivalent figures in India. They are teased and mocked but also valued and esteemed (Ward, 1999). The hijras have a gender role that legitimizes their function as ritual performers. This role forms the core of their self-definition and the basis of their positive, collective self-image.

Unlike hijras, who live openly as females, some people move freely with "mixed" gender identities. A number of Native American tribes believe sex and gender are not always the same. Until they were colonized by whites, some Native American tribes accepted the cross-gender role of biological female who performed male duties (Blackwood, 1984). The role of berdache, a title conferred on males who do not exhibit masculine traits, still exists today in some tribes. In tribal mythology, berdache may act as mediators between men and women and between the physical and spiritual worlds (Roscoe, 1992). Native Americans refer to those who act out cross-gender roles as having "two spirits." Over 130 two-spirited cultures existed in Native North America before colonization (Callender & Kochems, 1983; Williams, 1996).

The xanith of the Arab state of Oman are also biological males. They work as homosexual prostitutes and skilled domestic servants. Described as a "third" gender, they have male names but distinctive dress and hair styles, unlike that of either men or women. Xanith are not men because they can interact with women and are not women because they are not restricted by purdah, the system of veiling and secluding women (Lips, 1997).

The berdache and xanith are roles associated with approval, and sometimes honor, rather than disdain and immorality. These people violate the principle of sexual dimorphism, the separation of the sexes into two distinct groups, and show that what is socially defined as sexually unacceptable in one culture can be defined as sexually acceptable in another. Symbolic interactionists emphasize that these roles attest to the powerful impact of culture on both gender identity and sexual orientation.

Unlike hermaphrodites, transsexuals are genetic males or females who psychologically believe they are members of the other gender. They feel "trapped" in the wrong bodies and may undergo sex reassignment surgery (SRS) to "correct" the problem. Only then can their gender identity and their biological sex be consistent. By this reasoning, transsexuals are not homosexuals. They are newly minted males or females who desire sexual intimacy with the other gender. Their ideal lover would be a heterosexual man or woman. The reality, however, is that most heterosexuals would not choose transsexuals as lovers. Transvestites, mostly males who are sexually aroused when they dress in women’s clothing, are not transsexuals. Transsexuals are rare in society. The numbers worldwide are thought to be 1 in 100,000 males and 1 in 130,000 females (Allgeier & Allgeier, 2000).

Psychotherapy aimed at acceptance of a transsexual’s biological sex instead of sex reassignment surgery is generally unsuccessful. The outcomes of SRS are mixed. Research from the United States in the 1970s showed overall negative results. Some transsexuals believed the surgery was a mistake and others reported no better adjustment after than before surgery. Later research describes more positive outcomes. International data indicate that the majority of transsexuals report satisfaction with their choice of sex reassignment (Lindermalm et al., 1986; Blanchard et al., 1985; Lief & Hubschman, 1993). Most people are puzzled by transsexuals because they do not see any contradictions between biological sex and gender identity. But as one researcher concludes:

When you see a transsexual . . . it’s no use asking "Is she really still a man?" or "Was she really a woman all those years?" The question is meaningless. All you can say is that this is a person whose sex organs (were) male and whose gender identity (is) female (Money & Tucker, 1975).

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